Standardized Testing Essay -- Standardized Testing Essays

Standardized Testing Scholar Bill Ayers believes standardized interrogation in schools does not accurately measure what is necessary to be successful in life. Ayers insists that Standardized tests such as the American College Test (ACT) and the bookworm skill Test (SAT) measure specific details and function which are among the least interesting and slightest important information that children should know. In an denomination titled Testing the Right port for Talent, written by Hugh wrong, argues the fact that standardized tests fail to capture the qualities that are necessary to be successful in the championship world. Another article labeled Implementing NCLB Assessment and Accountability Requirements in an Imperfect World composed by Stuart Kahl, is in agreement with both Price and Ayers. According to Bill Ayers, Hugh Price and Stuart Kahl, standardized tests are unc on the wholeed excuse for a traumatic and stressful time in a childs life. Hugh Price and Stuart Kahl are among the large bulk of people who do not believe one test is equal to(p) to accurately measure what a child knows. Price states, High-stakes standardized tests, like the Scholastic Aptitude Test, the SAT, fail to capture the qualities most essential for success in the corporate world, such as creativity, drive and leadership (Price). Price claims that although these tests are able to rate children in topics such as Math, English and History, what really makes one who they are is more than book smarts, but their personality and leadership skills are overly necessary. In addition to Price believing this fact, Kahl also articulates against standardized testing. In his article that analyzes The No Child Left Behind Act of 2001, Kahl is aware of the fact that ... ...ort and a motivation behind the tests may as well perform better than those who are not. Whatever the reason may be, many people, including Price, Kahl, and Ayers do not support standardized testing. These authors all have one opinion in common they are all against testing for the sake of the children, because of the pressures kids already endure without the pressures of testing. They all claim that tests may be an unfair way to rank children in the world today due to teachers not teaching children the right material in preparation for the test, family upbringing, and even worrying the children would affect the test results. As Ayers indicates, one single test could not determine where a child stands in the business world, due to the fact that the test analyzes specific topics on school and nothing about their personality or more personal traits.

The Stem Cell Life Safers Essay -- Biology, Cells

Envision a euphoric world where a couple insignificant little cells had the possibility to bring around horrible chronic diseases give care cancer. Picture how incredible that would be. forthwith imagine this, the only sacrifice you would have to make to save millions of people, would be killing a few babies here and there. Now how does that sound to you? Sounds like a rapidly developing dilemma. If that was your initial thought, you were correct. This dilemma is called embryonic prow cell research, and it has caused conflicts with peoples opinions, morals, and religion for years. Being that scientist, doctors, and the public cant decide if embryonic stem cell research is moral or immoral, the research should just be banned altogether and researchers should begin focusing on other methods of research to find cures for diseases. What are Embryonic Stem Cells, you may ask? Embryonic Stem Cells are cells that are extracted from human embryos. These particular stem cells can transform into more than two hundred varying tissue types. (Birtley, Cate) The embryonic stem cell is a possible life saver. It has the potential to cure diseases such as cancer, Parkinsons disease, and eventually the memory loss disease, Alzheimers. (Svoboda, Elizabeth. 5) However, stem cells have instances where they shouldnt be as glorified as they are. According to go in Taylor, the director at the Center for Cardiovascular Repair, at the University of Minnesota, Embryonic Stem Cells represent the good, the bad, and the ugly. When they are good, they can be grown to a large take in the lab and used to give splay to tissues, organs, or body parts. When they are bad, they dont know when to stop growing and they give rise to tumors. The ugly well we dont unde... ...om a newborn babies umbilical cord. These stem cells, if they had been left alone to develop further, would have formed into immune system cells or blood cells. Since these cells wouldve eventually become immun e system or blood cells, they cant morph into as large of a miscellanea as embryonic stem cells can. However, they are still very effective in helping patients that are suffering from blood diseases such as leukemia or hepatitis. Cord-blood stem cells also serve as a great alternative to the patients having a bone marrow transplant. While these stem cells are extracted from the stem cells of babies, it is of no harm to the child whatsoever. On the other hand, when you obtain embryonic stem cells, you are extracted them from the undeveloped embryo which ultimately leads to the destruction of the embryo and the death of the child. (Svoboda, Elizabeth 1)

Essay on Shirley Jacksons The Lottery - Blind Obedience Exposed

Blind Obedience Exposed in The Lottery The annual ritualistic stoning of a villager in Shirley Jacksons The Lottery parallels tradition in American culture. This paper will inform the reader of the effect tradition has on characters in the short story The Lottery and how traditions still strongly influence peoples lives in america. Christian weddings hold many traditions and superstitions that seemingly defy logic. Although most couples no agelong have arranged marriages or dowries, fathers still give their daughters away during the services. The bride and groom do not see each other before the ceremony, fearing that bad portion might come their way. A friend scolded me because I had originally planned to marry at the top of the hour, and told me I should change it just to be right. Society continues to hold these traditions and superstitions very dear because of cultural influences and the possibility of bad things happening. In Shirley Jacksons short story The Lottery, the an nual ritualistic stoning of a villager parallels the traditions inherent in American culture. The black box is a source symbol of tradition for the townspeople. The original box wore out many years ago, and a new box was built from pieces of the old. This reflects customs in our own society. For exam... ... time. It is possible that they were simply afraid of what would happen to them if they changed or stopped the lottery. Maybe they just went through and through the motions of the lottery without questioning why, or really giving it much thought. Whatever the real reason, the tradition of the lottery continued. I will also continue to act up traditions at my wedding one-month from now when my father will give me away at half past the hour, and I will take great persistence not to see my fianc before. Work Cited Jackson, Shirley. The Lottery. Literature Reading, Reacting, Writing. 4th Ed. Ed. Camille Adkins. Orlando Harcourt College Publishers, 2001. 315-322

Arpanet :: essays research papers

The USSR launches Sputnik, the first artificial earth satellite. In the late 1960s theU.S. military was desperately afraid of a nuclear attack from the Soviet Union. TheUnited States form the Advanced Research Projects Agency (ARPA) within the Departmentof Defense to establish a bombproof meshwork to connect military bases. ARPANETs physicalnetwork was established in 1969 to enable universities and research organizations toexchange information freely. The first two nodes that formed the ARPANET were UCLA andthe Stanford Research Institute, shortly after the University of Utah was added toARPANET. The Network Control Protocol (NCP) was initially put ond as the ARPANET protocol, beginningin 1970. By 1971, a entireness of 23 hosts at 15 locations were connected to the ARPANET. Thefollowing year, the first international connections occurred, linking the UniversityCollege of London (UK) and the Royal Radar Establishment (Norway) to the ARPANET. The way ARPANET was set up is so that i f one of the network links became disrupted byenemy attack, the trade on it could automatically be rerouted to other links.Fortunately, the Net rarely has come below enemy attack. In the 1970s, ARPA alsosponsored further research into the applications of packet switching technologies. Thisincluded extending packet switching to ships at sea and ground mobile units and the useof radio for packet switching. Ethernet was created during the course of research intothe use of radio for packet switching, and it was found that coaxial cable could supportthe movement of data at highly fast rates of speed. The development of Ethernet wascrucial to the growth of local area computer networks. The success of ARPANET made it difficult to manage, particularly with the large andgrowing number of university sites on it. So it was broken into two parts. The two partsconsisted of MILNET, which had the military sites, and the new, smaller ARPANET, whichhad the nonmilitary sites. On January 1,1983, ev ery machine connected to ARPANET had touse transmission control protocol/IP. TCP/IP became the core Internet protocol and replaced NCP (old ARPANETlanguage) completely. Thanks to TCP/IP MILNET and ARPANET remained connected through atechnical scheme called IP (Internet Protocol) which enables traffic to be routed fromone network to another as necessary. All the networks connected to the Internet speak IP,so they all can exchange messages. Although there were sole(prenominal) two networks at that time, IPwas designed to allow for tens of thousands of networks. An unusual fact about the IPdesign is that every computer on an IP network is just as capable as any other, so any

British-Chinese Relations in the Nineteenth Century and Alicia Bewicke

British-Chinese Relations in the Nineteenth Century and Alicia Bewicke Littles Novel, A Marriage in China The social class was 1842, and Britain had just finished a successful military campaign in China, a campaign that also signified a rather humiliating strike for the Chinese army. The first Opium War reestablished Britains profitable opium trade routes from India to China, and also established a newfound mode of British-Chinese relations, one that resulted in British control of the new colony of Hong Kong and semicolonial control over various treaty ports. The progressive optimism that this combined political and economic control seemed to herald for the British Empire was reflected in a piece in the newly established Illustrated capital of the United Kingdom News A large family of the human race, which for centuries has been isolated from the rest, is now about to enter with them into mutual intercourse. wide hordes of populations, breaking through the ignorance and superstition which has for ages enveloped them, will now come out into the open day, and enjoy the freedom of a more expanded civilization, and enter upon prospects boundlessly grander. (Illustrated London News, qtd. in Thurin 1) Voiced at mid-century, this statement paradoxically depicts the Chinese as both enveloped by backwardness, yet capable of reform and progress as ignorant, superstitious, and characterized as pest-like vast hordes of populations, yet also seen as equal partners with the British in a mutual intercourse. This varied and contradictory opinion could just surrender easily been voiced at the end of the nineteenth century. In a way, this statement can be seen as representative of the hi figment or, more accurately, the story of the relationship between ... ...sm. Thus even areas of resistance are encoded within the text of compliance (Rule Britannia Women, Empire, and Victorian Writing, Ithaca Cornell UP, 1995). Works Cited British Library Public Catalogue. 1 2 Oct 1999 . Campbell, Mrs. J. Weston. (Signed C. de Thierry.) The Sons of Han Chinese Emigration. Macmillans Magazine. 80 (May 1899) 58-66. Croll, Elisabeth J. Wise Daughters from Foreign Lands European Women Writers in China. London Pandora, 1989. Little, Alicia Bewicke. A Marriage in China. London F. V. White & Co., 1896. Round about My Peking Garden. London T. Fisher Unwin, 1905. Mrs. A. Little. Obituary. The London Times. 6 Aug. 1926 17e. Research Library Group (RLG) Union Catalog (RLIN). 12 Oct 1999 . Thurin, Susan Schoenbauer. Victorian Travelers and the Opening of China, 1842-1907. Athens, OH Ohio UP, 1999.

British-Chinese Relations in the Nineteenth Century and Alicia Bewicke

British-Chinese Relations in the Nineteenth Century and Alicia Bewicke Littles Novel, A Marriage in China The course was 1842, and Britain had just finished a successful military campaign in China, a campaign that also signified a rather humiliating overtake for the Chinese army. The first Opium War reestablished Britains profitable opium trade routes from India to China, and also established a rising mode of British-Chinese relations, one that resulted in British control of the new colony of Hong Kong and semicolonial control over various treaty ports. The progressive optimism that this combined political and economic control seemed to herald for the British Empire was reflected in a piece in the newly established Illustrated capital of the United Kingdom News A large family of the human race, which for centuries has been isolated from the rest, is now about to enter with them into mutual intercourse. commodious hordes of populations, breaking through the ignorance and superstition which has for ages enveloped them, will now come out into the open day, and enjoy the freedom of a more expanded civilization, and enter upon prospects endlessly grander. (Illustrated London News, qtd. in Thurin 1) Voiced at mid-century, this statement paradoxically depicts the Chinese as both enveloped by backwardness, yet capable of reform and progress as ignorant, superstitious, and characterized as pest-like vast hordes of populations, yet also seen as equal partners with the British in a mutual intercourse. This varied and contradictory opinion could just accommodate easily been voiced at the end of the nineteenth century. In a way, this statement can be seen as representative of the hi study or, more accurately, the story of the relationship between ... ...sm. Thus even areas of resistance are encoded within the text of compliance (Rule Britannia Women, Empire, and Victorian Writing, Ithaca Cornell UP, 1995). Works Cited British Library Public Catalogue. 12 Oct 1999 . Campbell, Mrs. J. Weston. (Signed C. de Thierry.) The Sons of Han Chinese Emigration. Macmillans Magazine. 80 (May 1899) 58-66. Croll, Elisabeth J. Wise Daughters from Foreign Lands European Women Writers in China. London Pandora, 1989. Little, Alicia Bewicke. A Marriage in China. London F. V. White & Co., 1896. Round about My Peking Garden. London T. Fisher Unwin, 1905. Mrs. A. Little. Obituary. The London Times. 6 Aug. 1926 17e. Research Library Group (RLG) Union Catalog (RLIN). 12 Oct 1999 . Thurin, Susan Schoenbauer. Victorian Travelers and the Opening of China, 1842-1907. Athens, OH Ohio UP, 1999.

Belk

Possessions and the Extended ego-importance RUSSELL W. BELK* Our possessions ar a major contri hardlyor to and supposeion of our identities. A mixed bag of designate is certifyed supporting this simple and compelling in occlude. Related streans of inquiry be identified and drawn upon in devetopJng this excogitation and implications be derived for consumer port. Because the construct of exterxJed egotism-importance involves consumer behavior earlier than leve pettishnessr behavior. It apjpears to be a much richer construct than previous fermentulations positing a relationship between self-importance-importance-concept and consumer brand choice.Hollow hands clasp ludicrous possessions because they be links in the chain of life If it breaks, they argon truly losLDichlsr 964 W e atomic number 50 non hope to understand consumer behavior without commencement gaining slightly understanding of ihe meanings that consumers select to possessions. . key to understanding what possessions mean is recognizing thai, knowingly or unknowingly, intention all in ally or unintentionally, we take care our possessions as set nearlys of ourselves. As Tuan argues, Our fragile mother wit of self inevitably support, and this we get by having and possessing things because, to a large degree, we are what we turn in and possess (1980. . 472). That we are what we defend (e. g.. Van Estcrick 1986 Feirsiein 1986 Rosenbaum 1972) is perhaps the near basic and provideful faci of consumer behavior. The premise that we regard our possessions as parts of ourselves is non naked. William James (1890, pp. 291-292), who laid the foundations for modern conceptions ofself, he d that a mans Self is the sum total of all that he CAN call his, not scarcely his trunk and his psychic powers, however his clothes and his house, his wife and children, his ancestors and friends, his reputation and induces, his Jands, and yacht and bank-account.All these things give him the similar emotions. If they wax and prosper, he olfactory modalitys triumphant if they dwindle and die away, he feels cast d throw,not necessarily in the same degree for each thing, but in much the same way for all. If we pay off possessions as things we call ours, James was facial expression that we are the sum of our possessions. The purpose of this article is to examine the relationship between possessions and sense of self. It is ground not except on the premise that this relationship is RusscK W. Belk is the N. EJdoa Tanner Professor of Business Administration.Graduate School of Business, University of Utah, Salt Lake City, UT 84060. The author wishes to thank Melanie WaUendorf, Floyd Rudmin. and Grant McCracken for their commenis on an earlier version of this anicle. of imponance to understanding consumer behavior, but as well as on the premise that understanding the increase self wi help us learn how consumer behavior contributes to our wide-cuter earth as human crea tions (Belk 987a). The first section considers divers(a) demonstrations that possessions are an important component of sense of self.The nigh direct form of evidence is found in the nature of self-perceptions. Additional, especially striking evidence is found in the diminished sense of self when possessions are unintentionally lost or stolen. More evidence ofthe role of possessions in sense of self comes from anthropological studies ofthe way possessions are treated ritually and after death. Because increase self is much(prenominal) a broad topic, several unre finded areas of evidence on the extent and nature of the relationship between possessions and sense of self to a fault are identified. In so doing, the scope ofthe present treatment is as well defined.The question of what functions the elongated self serves is addressed in the second section, which begins with abrief review of the basic states of our universe of discourse having, doing, and being. These states are relevant to the question of how we define who we are. Next, the functions of possessions in human flummoxment are considered. Four st epochs are identified (1) the infant distinguishes self from environment, (2) the infant distinguishes self from other(a)s, (3) possessions help adolescents and bighearteds man come along their identities, and (4) possessions help the ob touch onte achieve a sense of continuity and preparation for death.Finally, the role of possessions in creating or maintaining a sense of ago is considered. The third section examines several mathematical operationes heterogeneous in self-extension. One process is the initial incorporation of objects into our overtake selves. A number of incorporation processes are discussed, not all of which involve possession in the sense of individual ownership. A bad-tempered process of self-extension James calied his text an encyclopedia of psychology and quolcs Hcrr Horwiczs Psychologische Analysen (no date or publishe r given)asasourceof many another(prenominal) of his ideas on self. 39 ? ledger OF CONSUMER RESEARCH Vol. 15 September 1988 140 THE JOURNAL OF CONSUMER RESEARCH that is considered in nearly detail is contami population. In contamination, both(prenominal) good and bad aspects of objects are seen to attach to us by means of physical cont human action or proximity. A final process theorized is the maintenance of multiple takes of the self, such(prenominal)(prenominal) as viewing our family, city, and nation to be a part of who we are. The fourth section ofthis article decoctes on a number of special categories of possessions that are commonly incorporated into the sense of self.These categories are collections, money, pets, other people, and body parts. In each case, research is reviewed supporting the contention that this category of objects is a part of the extended self and is thitherfore treated differently from objects not considered to be a part of self. The final section discusses implications ofthe extended self formulation for consumer research. The areas of implications outlined include gift-giving, vicarious consumption (generally finished other family members), handle of possessions, organ donation, product disposition, and the contribution of extended self to defining meaning in life.The latter topic elevates the concentrate on of consumer behavior research xo a take aim of greater significance than satisfaction with product performance. Following the final section, the formulation ofthe extended self is reviewed briefly and conclusions are offered. EVIDENCES Possessions in Self-Perception Research The term extended self has not been applied previously to the conception of self-plus-possessions, but Rochberg-Halton (1984, p. 335) comes close Valued material possessions. . . act as signs ofthe self that are essential n their own right for ils continued cultivation, and hence the demesne of meaning that we create for oursleves, and that c reates our selves, extends literally into the objective surroundings. One difference in the present view is that the extended self is seen not to be limited to external objects and psycheal possessions, but also includes persons, places, and group possessions as well as such possessions as body parts and vital organs. The notion of extended self is a superficially masculine and Western metaphor comprising not only that which is seen as me (the self), but also that which is seen as mine. As James (1890, p. 291) notes, the two concepts are interwoven in the way we think of our selves The Empirical Self of each of us is all that he is tempted to call by the name of me. But it is clear that between what a man calls me and what he hardly calls mine the line is difficult to draw. We feel and act ahout certain things that are ours very much as we feel and act somewhat ourselves. Our fame, our children, the work of our hands, whitethorn be as dear to us as our bodies are, and arouse the same feelings and the same acts of reprisal if attacked. And our bodies themselves, are they simply ours, or are they us?Certainly men have been ready to disown their very bodies and to regard them as mere vestures, or raze as prisons of clay from which they should some day be glad to escape. Although prior theories and research on consumer self-concept (see Sirgy 1982 for a review) are moderately supportive of the contention that possessions are incorporated into self-concept, this research probably considerably underestimates the extent to which this is true. One intellect is that prior research methods generally search to find a correspondence between perceived characteristics of these objects and perceived characteristics ofthe self.But, one can operate an object like the Statue of Liberty to be a part of ones in-person identicalness without having to hold a self-concept composed of characteristics attributed to this statue. Second, as argued by Belk (1984b), the focus of these studies on brand im terms prior to acquisition is too limited. Both nonbrand images (e. g. , cigarette smoker, wine-coloured connoisseur) and post-acquisition object bonding (e. g. , with ones pet) may contribute strongly to the sense of self. Third, as argued by Belk (1984b) and Solomon and Assael (1988), sooner than a single product or brand representing all of ones selfconcept, only a omplete ensemble of consumption objects may be adapted to represent the diverse and possibly incongruous aspects of the total self. For all of these reasons, the present focus on extended self is substantially different than prior consumer self-concept research. For research applications within the perspective advocated here, see Belk (1987b, 1988) and Belk and Austin (1986). This much expansive view ofthe extended self can be examined in light of several prior conceptualizations and studies focusing on distal elements ofthe self.McClelland (1951) extracted that external objects become v iewed as part of self when we are able to exercise power or mastery over them, just as we might control an arm or a leg. In the case of tools, instruments, and weapons, envisioning the basis for the extended self metaphor is easy. The greater the control we exercise, the more closely allied with self the object should become. This principle lead McClelland to hypothesize the spare-time activity hierarchy of most to least closely self-allied object categories (1) me, my free depart, (2) my body, my conscience, (3) my belongings, (4) my friends, and (5) strangers, physical universe.The predicted closer alignment of self to belongings than to friends recognizes the free leave of people (friends) that is lacking in most belongings. Prelinger (1959) outpouringed Jamess premise that possessions are viewed as parts of self and McClellands scheme that control dictates the strength ofthis linkage. He had subjects miscellanea 160 items onto a four-position (zero to three) continuum o f not-self to self The items were selected so that each of eight conceptual categories was represented by 20 items. These categories and the mean self scores for the items within them were in descending orderPOSSESSIONS AND THE EXTENDED SELF 141 that the object is me. McCarthy (1984) concludes that such objects act as reminders and confirmers of our identities, and that our identities may reside in objects more than they do in individuals. Allport (1937) hypothesized that the process of gaining an identity, and in so doing gaining self-esteem, progresses from infancy by extending self via a continuously expanding set of things regarded as ones own. This hypothesis was tested by Dixon and Street (1975) who conducted an approximate paying back of Prelingers hear among 6- to 16-year-olds.They found essentially the same rank ordering of item categories regarded as self, but found only two categories for which this tendency changed significantly with age other people and possessions. In both cases, old children were more likely than younger children to categorize such objects as being part of self (you). In a three-gene rational study of promoteite possessions, Rochberg-Halton (1984, 1986 Csikszentmihalyi and Rochberg-Halton 1981) found that as we age the possessions that people cite as special tend increasingly to be those that intend other people (e. . , gifts from people, photographs of people). Their interpretation of these findings suggests an age-related widening ofthe boundaries of self (RochbergHalton 1984, p. 352). These findings also may suggest that possessions are regarded not only as a part of self, but also as instrumental to the development of self. Other work on the role that special possessions get in easing life transitions also suggests that possessions can be instrumental to maintenance of self-concept (e. g.. McCracken 1987a). A study by Belk (1987b. 988 Belk and Austin 1986) examines the self-defining role of places, public depositorys , experiences, time periods, television programs, motion epitomes, and public figures, in sum total to the sort of objects, persons, and traits studied in prior research. Ofthe additional extended self categories considered, places and experiences tend to be seen as most clearly a part of extended self. Added to the previously illustrious findings then, we may summarize the major categories of extended self as body, internal processes, ideas, and experiences, and those persons, places, and things to which one feels attached.Of these categories, the last three appear to be the most clearly extended. However, given the difficulties in separating mind and body in philosophies and psychologies of tbe self (e. g. , Campbell 1984 Englehardt 1973 Tuner 1984), objects in all of these categories will be treated as say-so parts ofthe extended self. In conversations in English (although less true in some other languages such as Japanese), ii is clear that some objects in the former categor ies are treated as both a part of extended self and a part of essential unextended self.For instance, give tongue to I have a dark tan or my body is tan (possessive and extended uses) is more usual than saying I am a tan body (a nonpossessive and an unextended usage). However, saying I am 1. Body parts (e. g. , the skin, the genital organs), 2. 98 2. Psychological or intraorganismic processes (e. g. , the conscience, an itching on the sole of the foot), 2. 46 3. Personal severalizeing characteristics and attributes (e. g. , age, occupation), 2. 22 4. Possessions and productions (e. g. , watch, perspiration, toilet articles), 1. 7 5. Abstract ideas (e. g. , the morals of society, the law), 1. 36 6,. Other people (e. g. , the people in your hometown, father), 1. 10 7. Objects within the close physical environment (e. g. , dirt on the hands, furniture in this room), 0. 64 8. Distant physical environment (e. g. , the adjoining room, the moon), 0. 19. Although it is unfortunate that Pr elinger grouped some involuntary bodily productions with possessions, these findings comfort support Jamess contention that possessions are seen as part of self.They also suggest an ordering ofthe selfness of these object categories that is parallel to the hierarchy suggested by McClelland. To test McClellands control hypothesis more directly. Prelinger had five judges separate the 160 items into three groups those that are predominantly under the control of people, those that primarily control or affcci people, and those that are predominantly indifferent(p) in both regards. The first two categories both received high mean self scores (over 1. 8) from subjects, while the neutral items clearly received non-self scores (mean less than 0. ). These findings suggest that besides control over objects, control by objects may also contribute to an item being viewed as part of self. That is, we may impose our identities on possessions and possessions may impose their identities on us. In terestingly, control also has been suggested to be the critical determinant of feelings of possession (Furby l978Tuan 1984). If both hypotheses are correct, the more we believe we possess or are possessed by an object, the more a part of self it becomes.It is telling that the categories of extended self just noted correspond quite closely to the areas in which Ellis (1985, pp. 115-117) found evidence of human possessiveness (no hierarchical ordering was account) (1) ones body, (2) personal space, (3) ingestibles, (4) territory, (5) domicile, (6) copulatory partners, (7) offspring, (8) friends, (9) tools, and (10) objects of aesthetic appeal, play and amusement, pets and mementos. Nuttin (1987) finds that even the tetters in our names are viewed possessively. Apparently, in claiming that something is mine, we also come to believe 42 THE JOURNAL OF CONSUMER RESEARCH tired (unextended) is more common than saying my body is tired (extended). Even greater complications in making distinc tions between extended and unextended selves are found with asomatognostics who cannot apprehend the existence of parts of their bodies (Litwinski 1956 Sacks 1985), amputees who develop phantom limbs (Plugge 1970), and recent treatments of beliefs as possessions (Abelson 1986 Abelson and Prentice forthcoming). From the present perspective, the issue is an empirically resolvable one that depends upon perceptions.For instance, Belk and Austin (1986) found the following mean scores for various body parts on a four-point scale of selfness, where four is the highest possible score eyes 3. 5, hair 3. 2, inwardness 3. 1, legs 3. 1, hands 3. 1, fingers 3. 0, genitals 3. 0, skin 3. 0, poke 2. 7, knees 2. 7, chin 2. 6, kidneys 2. 6, liver 2. 6, and throat 2. 5. For this sample, it seems best to conclude that none of these body parts is necessarily an inherent part of unextended self, but that eyes, hair, and heart are more likely to be treated in this way than are kidneys, liver, and throat .The study also found some evidence of sex and age differences in the incorporation of body parts into sense of self. Furthermore, it is likely that those who have undergone such elective body alterations as plastic surgery and tattooing are likely to view the affected body parts as being more a part of self (e. g. , Sanders 1988). seen to be bestowed by the organization. The present focus would suggest that those who have less of their extended selves stripped from them may adjust more readily to such situations.Another instance in which nonvoluntary loss of possessions may put up just about a diminished sense of self is when possessions are lost to thieving or casualty. In the case of burglary victims, Rosenblatt, Walsh, and Jackson (1976) suggest that a process of rue and mourning may follow the discovery of theft, just as one might grieve and mourn the death of a loved one who had been a part of ones life. What is lost in both cases may be a part of self. As the college stud ent victim of a bicycle theft accuses the isolated thief, she reveals the identity invested in the bike (Donner 1985,p. 1) It hurts to think that someone else is selling something that for me is more precious than money . . . Everyone who owns a bike has their own story that makes their bike more than just machinery to them. And you ripped it off. You stole a piece of my life. You didnt just steal a chunk of metal to sell. . . You walked off with my memories. The present author conducted a small-scale test of this hypothesis using data from interviews with a nonrepresentative sample of 20 burglary victims who were asked in open-ended questions to recall their initial thoughts and feelings upon discovering the loss.Following anger and rage, the most commonly reported reactions were feelings of invasion and violation. In fact, eight of the 11 females in the sample spontaneously suggested that it was as though they had been violated, polluted, or raped. There are similar reports in Ma guires (1980) study of British burglary victims, although only 12 percent ofthe females in his study suggested such a feeling. Additional confirmation ofthis feeling of personal violation is found in studies by Korosec-Serfaty (1985) and Paap (1981).There are also reports of feelings of loss of a part of self among victims of natural disasters. McLeod (1984) found that those who lost possessions to a mudslide went finished a process of sorrow similar to that in losing a loved onemoving from denial to anger, to depression, and finally to acceptance (often after many months). The author joined several other researchers in conducting depth interviews with flood victims during the summer of 1986, and found that after six weeks most victims were still in the early stages of grief and often could not clack about the disaster or cried while examineing to do so.Fieldnotes from one such interview include this account The losses that concerned (the flood victim) most were those of his te stify collection,. . a first edition book collection, . . . the tools that his fatherthe cabinet makerhad used, . , . the ceiling and paneling of the basements that he had installed with the help and advice of his father, and (upstairs), the hutch, lowboy, and stereo cabinet that his father had made. termination of Possessions If possessions are viewed as part of self, it follows that an unintentional loss of possessions should be regarded as a loss or lessening of self.Goffman (1961) provides a thorough review ofthe evidence of deliberate lessening of self brought about in such institutions as mental hospitals, homes for the aged, prisons, concentration camps, military training camps, boarding schools, and monasteries. One ofthe first locomote in receiving new members into these institutions is to systematically deprive them of all personal possessions including clothes, money, and even names. Their bodies may be standardized to some degree, as with military haircuts, and their behaviors and conversations may be severely restricted.They are reissued standard wardrobes and minimal possessions to aid in rebuilding a new standardized identity. The result ofthis systematic substitution of standardized identity kits for former possessions is an elimination of uniqueness (Snyder and Fromkin 1981) and a corresponding and often traumatic lessening ofthe individuals sense of self. Although the new, more standardized possessions that are substituted may emergenceually refer some sense of self, the new self should necessarily be less unique and involve more of a shared group identity.Furthermore, the individual typically becomes a user of these new objects rather than an owner of them. Because control is restricted and the organization remains the owner, identity is POSSESSIONS AND THE EXTENDED SELF Clearly what is mourned here is a loss of seif. Similar findings were obtained in the Buffalo Creek flood (Erikson 1976). AsGeorgSimmel observes, material property is, so to speak, an extension ofthe ego, and any interference with our property is, for this reason, felt to be a violation ofthe person (1950, p. 322).The flood victim also illustrates how the labor ofthe individual (in this case the victims recently deceased father) adheres in the objects produced. In this sense, the loss of possessions was also a further loss of his fathers extended self that reniained in his fathers creations. Besides the more direct loss of self when personal possessions are lost to theft or casualty, the vulnerability revealed in such losses may damage the sense of self derived from the attachments to home and neighborhood. Home (e. g.. Cooper 1974 Duncan 1976 Duncan and Duncan 1976) and neighborhood (e. . , Bakker and Bakker-Rabdau 1973 Gerson, Stueve, and Fischer 1977) have been suggested to be strong sources of personal identity. As with more personal possessions, home and neighborhood have been hypothesized to contribute to sense of self to the degree thai a p erson feels control over them (Bakker and Bakker-Rabdau 1973 Edney 1975). This may explain why Brown (1982) found that burglary victims report less sense of community, less feeling of privacy, and less pride in their houses appearance than do their nonburglarized neighbors.The same phenomenon has been observed in those displaced by slum clearance, even when they were relocated to better housing (Fried 1963), In the words of Peter Marris, They identify with the neighborhood it is part ofthem, and to hear it condemned as a slum is a condemnation ofthemselves too (1986, p. 55). Besides loss of possessions to theft or casualty, others have kept up(p) that whenever the functions and property of individuals are taken over by institutions, such as government and schools, there is a regrettable loss of self (Dietze 1963 Wiggins 1974).Although the intent of these institutions is presumably not to lessen others sense of selves, Wiggins (1974) suggests that there are instances in which a pers ons possessions are damaged with the intent of diminishing the owner. He gives as one manikin a cbiJd who destroys the property of a larger child or of an inviolable sibling in an effort to more effectively direct aggression at this person. Vandalism may be motivated similarly with the targels being society, those who seem to be more fortunate, or public institutions (e. . , Chester 1976 Fisher and Baron 1982). The trauma that may attend involuntary loss of possessions normally is not present in voluntary disposition of possessions. Indeed, La Branche (1973) observes that when possessions are recognized as inconsistent with our images of self, we fain neglect or dispose of them. But, when the disposition is depictd, as by economic circumstances, the parting likely brings sorrow. As one elderly respondent pawning possessions to make it through the winter reflects (Cottlel98l,p. 8) i stand in those lines with my suitcase full of things to praciicaJiy give away 1 stand in that hock shop, and I tell myself that my inherent life is being sold . . . Dont make me hock my life away, I beg you. Of course, there is a more utilitarian explanation of the feelings of resentment at the loss of possessions. In this more utilitarian view, we merely regret the loss of valued possessions because ofthe benefits they provide rather than from any feelings of self erived from or mingled with these objects. James (1890, p. 293) challenges the adequateness ofthis view although it is true that a part of our depression at ihe toss of possessions is due to our feeling that we must now go without certain goods that we expected the possessions to bring in their train, yet in every case there remains, over and above this, a sense ofthe shrinkage of our personality, a partial conversion of ourselves to nothingness, which is a psychological phenomenon by itself.Extreme examples ofthis partial annihilation of self are cited by Beaglehole (1932) and Rigby and Rigby (1949) in accounts of art collectors who have gone to such great lengths as suicide to avoid facing the forced breakup of their collections. Less extreme examples are found in the simple wishful regret at the disposal of wornout clothing and similar items that have been associated with pleasant memories of ones past (e. g. , Lurie 1981, p-33 Rooney 1984, pp. 3-4).If involuntary loss of possessions causes a loss of self, one ofthe particular reactions following such loss should be an attempt at self-restoration. This phenomenon has been observed in psychoanalysis and has led to the hypothesis that, along with body loss, object loss is the fountainhead of creativity (Niederland 1967 Niederland and Sholevar 1981). Body loss refers to some real or imagined physical deformity or bodily imperfection that detracts from sense of self. Object loss normally refers to the death of a close family member, but is also used by Niederland lo refer to the traumatic loss of possessions.In body and object loss, the crea tion of art, craft, concept, or writing is seen as an attempt to extend the self in new ways that make up for the loss and restore the self to wholeness. That is, periods of creativity may follow the loss of ones possessions. Niederland and Sholevar (1981) also suggest that for many young American males, the gondola is a part of their extended selves and their ego ideals. This view is supported by consumer self-concept research (e. g. , Bloch 1982 Grubb and Hupp 1968 Jacobson and Kossoff 1963).The processes of creating and nurturing extended self through an automobile may be seen in customizing (personalizing) the car and in lavishing great care on its maintenance. When such a car is damaged, the owners react as if their own bodies i44 THE JOURNAL OF CONSUMER RESEARCH have been injured. Consider the sense of personal injur described by Bellow (1975, p. 36) after a treasured car was assaulted Someone had done to my car as rats, I had heard, did when they raced through warehouses by the thousands and tore open sacks of flour for the hell of it. I felt a similar rip at my heart . . I had allowed the car to become an extension of my own self. . . , so that an attack on it was an attack on myself. It was a moment terribly fertile in reactions. Furthermore, the possessors of such damaged treasures are anxious to either restore the auto to its former perfection or replace it with a more perfect substitute. These reactions reflect the desire to restore the damaged sense of (extended) seif caused by the injury to the automobile. Investing Self in Objects The idea that we make things a part of self by creating or altering them appears to be a universal human belief.Anthropologists generally agree that the maker of an object, the user of land, and the cultivator of a plant are regarded as being entitled to the product of their labor (e. g. , Herskovits 1952 Lewinski 1913). Locke (1690) made this the foundation for his views on property and government, explaining the nat ural basis for private property in three travel (1) we own ourselves (see Wikse 1977), (2) therefore we own our labor (what we direct our bodies to do), and (3) therefore we own what we produce from our labor out of the unowned materials of nature.Csikszentmihalyi and Rochberg-Halton (1981) provide a more psychological explanation in suggesting that we invest *psychic energy in an object to which we have directed our efforts, time, and attention. This energy and its products are regarded as a part of self because they have grown or emerged from the self. The same principle has been suggested to apply to objects that are forcefully appropriated from others (Veblen 1898). After the development of money payment for labor, purchasing objects offers another means for invest self (in this case more typically) in possessions.Beaglehole (1932) reviews other anthropological evidence ofthe link between possessions and self. The almost literal incorporation of objects into self and self int o objects is shown in various formulas of traditional peoples. These practices include licking new possessions, burying the umbilical cord on tribal land, inserting removed foreskin beneath the bark of a personal tree, eating or taking the name of conquered enemies, burying ancestors on sacred tribal land and claiming ownership of new land or artifacts by touching them, naming them for a part ofthe persons body, leaving a lock of hair on them, or shedding blood on them.Another exatnple, perhaps repugnant to Western observers, is the drinking ofthe urine of Vedic priests to partake of the psychogenic properties ofthe Amanita muscaria mushroom that these priests ritually consume (Wasson 1972). Each of these practices suggests the desire to tap into the life force of nature or other people by symbolically merging with these forces. In addition, the association of people and possessions is shown in the practice of burying the dead with their possessions. This practice began at least 6 0,000 geezerhood ago (Maringer 1960) and perhaps more than one hundred,000 years ago (Leaky 198i).Alekshin (1983) compared the grave goods of men and women in Europe and found evidence that suggests women only began to experience inferior status in the third millennium B. C. (i. e. , the number and quality of their grave goods did not differ until then). Rathje and McGuire (1982) have performed similar analyses of grave goods ofthe Maya. That anthropologists assume that possessions tell us about their possessors is itself evidence ofthe tendency to see possessions as symbols of self.The inference process is not unlike that of police detectives who attempt to construct an identity for unknown corpses by using the corpses possessions (Pogrebin, Poole, and Regoli 1986). In more recent traditional societies, using the clothing or possessions ofthe dead is often a taboo. Until outlawed 100 years ago in India, the wife, as property of a deceased husband, was expected to join him in deat h (Bordewich 1986). Such notions of possession surviving even death suggest a strong association between self and possessions.To the extent that other people can be viewed as possessions (this point will be pursued in a subsequent section), mourning for dead loved ones also may be interpreted as grieving for a loss of self. The prior possessions ofthe deceased can be powerful remains of the dead persons extended self. These remains are often the focus of normal and ghoulish mourning (Volkan 1974). The same association is shown in sympathetic magic in which malevolence is directed at a person through their clothing, hair or nail clippings, or other belongings (Clodd 1920).Evidence ofthe power of possessions to capture the extended self is also shown in the angry destruction of objects left behind by the Shah of Iran and Ferdinand Marcos in the Philippines after they were deposed (Goldstein 1987). Contemporary consumption also shows that the feeling of identity invested in material o bjects can be extraordinarily high. For instance, Ames (1984, pp, 30-31) records feelings attached to a nineteenth century purchase of a parlor organ Buying a prominent object like a parlor organ might take up a new chapter in a set of Uves, not only by providing a new way to use time but also a new tool to measure time.In afterwards years the object would serve to remind its owners ofthe day it first entered their home and of the time thai had passed since then, it would not only structure their present but also their perceptions of their own past. POSSESSIONS AND THE EXTENDED SELF They knew from experience that purchasing a major object could be a significant and momentous occasion in itself, a time of heightened positive emotions and feelings of well-being and importance . . . a major purchase would transform them in their own eyes and in the eyes of others. They would become worth more . . andacquiregreaterstatus. By so doing they would receive more respect and deference from others which would, in turn, make them feel better about themselves. Buying a parlor organ would make them something they were not before. 45 One ofthe modern alikes ofthe parlor organ in cost of impact on extended self is the automobile, especially for males (e. g. , Myers 1985 Weiland 1955). The owner of an expensive Porsche describes his attachment in this way (Stein 1985, p. 30) Sometimes I test myself. We have an ancient, batter Peugeot, and I drive it for a week.It rarely breaks, and it gets great mileage. But when I pull up next to a beautiful woman, I am still the geek with the glasses. Then I get back into the Porsche. It roars and tugs to get moving, h accelerates even going uphill at 80. It leadeth trashy women . . . to make pouting looks at me at stoplights. It makes me feel like a tomcat on the prowl,. . . nonhing else in my life comparesexcept driving along Sunset at night in the 928, with the sodium-vapor lamps reflecting off the wine-red finish, with the air insi de reeking of tan glove-leather upholstery and the . . .Blaupunkl playing the Shirelles so loud it makes my hair vibrate. And with the girls I will never see again puff up next to me. giving the cara once-over, and looking at me as if I were a cool guy, not a worriedoverextended 40-year-old schnook writer. cal emphasis or with the focus on consumer behavior. Future research tasteing a broader perspective would benefit from consulting the additional literary workss in Marxism and neoMarxism, critical theory, folklore, political philosophy, environmental psychology, macromarketing, semiotics, impression management, and embodied memory.The literature on property, ownership, and possession also provides a wealth of relevant material (see Rudmin, Belk, and Furby J987). The scope ofthis artical also is delimited by its predominant focus on societies that hold an individualistic concept of self As Belk (1984c) suggests, there are times and, places in world history during which the opera tive notion of self is more collective than individual. For a series of excellent discussions of the emergence of the individual self, see Campbell (1987), Carrithers, Collins, and Lukes (1985), and Macfarlane (1978).The present discussion addresses collective selves in a section dealing with levels ofthe self, but the primary focus is on the individual. Most ofthe present formulation also applies in instances of collective conceptualizations of the self, but collective self involves additional concepts not addressed herefor instance, group rituals for fusing a new object into collective identity. Thus, an adequate theoretical formulation of collective extended self must await further work.In the following section on the functions of extended seif, sociable functions of this construct largely are ignored. FUNCTIONS OF EXTENDED SELF Having, Doing, and Being Objects in our possession literally can extend self, as when a tool or weapon allows us to do things of which we would otherwise be incapable. Possessions can also symbolically extend self, as when a uniform or trophy allows us to convince ourselves (and perhaps others) that we can be a different person than we would be without them. Tanay (1976) suggests that handguns represent a symbolic penis for their owners.However, Kates and Varzos (1987) challenge this interpretation and instead emphasize the real rather than symbolic power given by guns. This sense of enhancement of personal power is what made the sixgun the equalizer in American Western lore. Tanays symbolic interpretation focuses on the sense of being presumably provided by such a weapon, whereas this substitute interpretation maintains that it is what one can cio with a gun that contributes to sense of self. Thus, having possessions can contribute to our capabilities for doing and being.The relationships among having, doing, and being are strong and have been most fully explored by existential psychologist and philosopher Jean-Paul Sartre. In his major work. Being and Nothingness, Sartre (1943) suggests that doing is merely a transitional As these examples suggest, the degree to which self may become extended into possessions can be great. In extreme cases, we again may note McCarthys (1984) contention that identity sometimes may lie more in extended self than in unextended self. Relevant Perspectives and DomainThe preceding discussion has presented eclectic evidence supporting the proposition thai we regard our possessions as parts ofour selves. As this article develops a deeper theoretical understanding of this phenomenon, it will continue to draw upon a broad base of literature from psychology, consumer research, psychoanalytic theory, material and popular culture studies, feminist studies, history, medicine, anthropology, and sociology. These areas and particular studies within them deal with constructs that are useful in advancing the arguments and explanations of the following sections.A number of other areas of inqui ry as well as omitted subfields from these areas just noted are potentially relevant to the study of extended self, but have been excluded either because of space considerations or because ofthe areas perspectives being less compatible with the present theoreti- 146 plead or a manifestation ofthe more fundamental desires 10 have or to be. Further, Sartre maintains that the only reason we want to have something is to etilarge our sense of self and that the only way we can know who we are is by observing what we have.In other words, having and being are distinct but inseparable. When an object becomes a possession, what were once self and not-self are synthesized and having and being merge. Thus, according to Sartre, possessions are all-important to knowing who we are. People seek, express, confirm, and ascertain a sense of being through what they have. Other people also affect relationships among having, doing, and being, according to Sartre. Besides others sometimes serving in an o bject capacity as possessions, others are an important mirror through which we see ourselves.These others first come to associate possessions and possessor and then, depending upon which is known best, either come to infer the traits ofthe person from the nature of the possessions or the nature ofthe possessions from the traits of the person (Belk 1978). Belk, Bahn, and Mayer (1982) and Holman (1981) review abundant buyer behavior literature supporting this veiw. However, as Douglas and Isherwood (1979, p. 72) remind us, to think that a single item can successfully inform others about us is equivalent to thinking that a single word from a poem can convey the meaning it creates in the context ofthe poem.Sartres view that having and being are the telephone exchange modes of existence contrasts with Karl Marxs view that doing, and particularly working, is central to existence and self-worth. The problem with having, in Marxs view, is that it produces a false path to happiness through commodity fetishism (Marx 1978). In commodity fetishism, consumers worship goods and believe that goods have magical powers to bring happiness, provoking a pervasive and ongoing expectation that happiness lies in the next purchase or I wouldbehappy if 1 could just have. . . Marx suggests instead that real happiness is achieved through doing meaningful and properly rewarded work (Marx 1967). Accordingly, the perspective advocated by Marxists is that we should live to work rather than work to live (Dyke 1981). This is also the major basis for the Marxist objection to capitalism. When the capitalist owns the products of a histrions labor, the worker has been alienated from that which s/he has created. The worker has been robbed of a part of selfThe capitalist, in Marxs view, is seen not only as an exploiter of labor, but also as a thief of the workers verj self (Marx 1964).Fromm (1976) instead advocates being as the preeminent form of existence. Like Marx, Fromm attacks radical hedoni sm, or concentration on having, as being unrewarding. He suggests that this view promotes a having mode of existence that views things, experience, time, and life itself as possessions to be acquired and retained. In the alternate being THE JOURNAL OF CONSUMER RESEARCH mode of existence that Fromm proposes, this orientation to have is rejected in favor of an opposing orientation to share, to give, and to sacrifice.The outcome of practicing this being mode of existence, according to Fromm, is to realize ones identity without the threat of losing it, a threat that is inherent in the having modefor which he asks If I am what I have and if what I have is lost, who then am I? (1976, p. 76), The views of Sartre, Marx, and Fromm on having, doing, and being present significant questions that are not necessary or possible to resolve here. All acknowledge, however, that having possessions functions to create and to maintain a sense of self-definition and that having, doing, and being are int egrally related.Mastery of Possessions and Human Development Self Versus Environment. The functions that possessions fulfill in our lives are not constant over our life spans. According to Freudian and other psychoanalytic theories (e. g. , Erikson 1959), the infant begins life being ineffectual to distinguish self from the environment, including mother. As Ausubel, Sullivan, and Ives (1980) point out, this may be seen as a perceptual problem in distinguishing figure from ground. Others suggest that the distinction currently emerges as a result ofthe contingency and kinesthetic feedback produced by the infants actions (Lewis and Brooks 1978 Seligman 1975).That is, as the infants motor skills develop, those objects that can be controlled come to be seen as self and those objects that cannot be controlled come to be seen as environment. According to Isaacs (1933. p. 226), the mothers caregiving also produces the first sentiments of ownership In Ihe case ofthe infant at the breast, lo have is literally and simply to take into oneself, into ones mouth. The nipple is only here at all when it is in my mouth, when it is (in feeling) a pan of me. And to bite and swallow athingisforlongtheonly sure way of retaining it.. . .This is the ultimate form of ownership, from which all others are derived. Even though the infants mother provides care, nourishment, and shelter, her lack of perfect responsiveness to the infants desires makes it likely that she is the first object that the infant regards as not self The separation from mother also has led others to suggest that the security blanket serves as a transitional object helping the child to feel the security of the mother through an object that symbolizes her (e. g. , Furby and Wilke 1982 Weisberg and Russell 1971 Winicott 1953).Bowlby (1969) suggests that such material objects often aid in identity formation when children recognize their independence and sep arateness from their mothers. If the early changes in person- object relationships may be described as moving from being one with the POSSESSIONS AND THE EXTENDED SELF 14? environment to having objects that aid the transition to a world where self is distinct from the environment, then the next changes may be characterized as moving from having transition objects to doing things with or lo Ihe environment.This motivation is labeled competence or bid motivation (White 1959). Furby (1980) expanded this concept by suggesting that we develop a stronger sense of self by learning to actively control objects in our environment rather than feeling controlled by them. Furby and Wilke (1982) presented evidence showing that until six months of age the child may be most interested in simply controlling an object, whereas by twelve months the child is more interested in practicing emerging skills (e. g. , with blocks).In both cases, producing some intended effect by doing something with an object is the goal. Self Versus Others. Data from Kline and France (1899, pp. 446-447) and Isaacs (1935) suggest that the relationship between a person and an object is never as simple as a person-thing bond, because other people often seek to control these objects a great part ofthe value oflhose things which iittie children want to own is far from intrinsic. It arises directly from the fact that others have or want the object.And thus we enter the openfieldofrivalry. Not to have what others have, or to have less than they, is to fee) shut out from the love and regard ofthe person giving. It is to betreatedasnot loveworthy (Isaacs 1935, p. 74). In this sense, relationships with objects are never twoway (person-thing), but always many-sided (personthing-person). This brings frontward a meum ei mum concern with object ownership (Beaglehole 1932). The rivalry aspects of possessions seem clear among young children.Piaget (1932) reported that 8to 12-month-old children often display violent rage when a toy is taken from them and given to another chil d, Mueller (1978) and Mueller and Brenner (1977) found that between 80 and 90 percent of social interactions of children up to two years of age are focused on physical objects the authors did not report what proportions of these interactions involved conflicts. Furbys (1982) examination of this issue revealed that for 18- to 21-month-olds, more than 85 percent of their object-oriented interactions with peers involved conflict about retaining possession instead of sharing or giving.Horney (1964) suggested that such competitiveness, along with other evidence of lack of affection from parents or peers, leads the child to compensate as an adult through neurotic strivings for power, prestige, and possessions. Although this may not be a complete explanation of these adult traits, it seems a more plausible basis for adult orientations toward possessions than are explanations via Freudian oral and anal fixations (Belk 1982a). Although receiving material objects may convey a sense of love an d worth to the child (substituting ma- erial resources for love resources is difficult according to research by Foa and Foa 1974 and perceptual findings by BrinbergBrinberg and Castell 1982 Brinberg and Wood 1983), from the parents points of view, control of their childrens material possessions offers a means o bringing about desired behaviors. Whiting (I960) provides a terse model ofthis sort of resource mediated socialization L Parents can use resources to reinforce behavior in three ways a. Giving (e. g. , a treat for being good), b. Withholding (e. g. , no dessert until vegetables are eaten), c. Depriving (e. g. no more tcevisioR viewingsomething already possesseduntil the child behaves) 2. Resources involved must be a. Scarce (i. e. , noX freely available to ihe child), b. Valued (at the time) by the child, c. Controlled by the parent 3. Anticipations of resource availabiJily m ihe future can also be modified to mediate behavior through a. Threats to withhold or deprive resour ces, b. Promises to give resources. The way parents use such resource mediated behavioral revision not only affects behaviorsthose concerning possessions as well as other onesbut also creates new attitudes toward the possessions used as reinforcements.For example, if sweets are withheld or deprived or if threats to do so are made, these actions may enhance the value of sweets, encourage the deiay of gratifications until unpleasant tasks are completed, or instill an attitude that good performance should be followed by indulgence. The potential effects of such socialization on adult material lifestyles are envisioned easily. Adolescence and Adulthood. Erikson (1959) suggested ihat adolescents predictably undergo an identity crisis. One hypothesis is that adolescents at this stage increasingly seek identity through acquiring and accumulating selected consumption objects.Montemayor and Eisens (1911) study, which asked teenagers to describe who they are, found that this is true in earl y teenage years when respondents cited possessions, name, and location as part of who they are. However, in later teenage years, they found that respondents were more likely to cite skiils (e. g. , athletic, artistic) and traits (e. g. , expressions of moral character, self-sufficiency). A study of 8- to 30-yearold Chicagoans (Csikszentmihalyi and RochbergHallon 1981) found that this contemporaries is more likely than its parents and grandparents to cite as favorite possessions those that reflect skills (e. .. athletic equipment) or objects which they can manipulate or 148 control (e. g. , musical instruments, stereo, pets). Material possessions such as clothing and automobiles are seen as an important source of prestige during high schooJ Snyder 972), but there isprobably some tendency to ascribe such prestige to ones family rather than to ones self as an individual. These findings suggest that only certain types of possessions are valued as extensions of self during adolescence and that se/f-ciefinifion through doing things may de preferred to self-definition through having things.During preretirement adulthood, Csikszentmihalyi and Rochberg-Halton (1981) found that emphasis shifts from defining oneself by what one does to defining self through what one has. Furby (1978) found that 40- to 50-year-oIds are the most likely of all age groups to cite social power and status as reasons to own personal possessions. Csikszentmihalyi (1982, THE JOURNAL OF CONSUMER RESEARCH pp. 5-6) explains A person who owns a nice home, a new car, good furniture, the latest appliances, is recognized by others as having passed the test of personhood in our society . . , the objects we possess and consume are . . wanted because. . . they tell us things about ourselves that we need to hear in order to keep our selves from falling apart. This information includes the social recognition that follows upon the display of status symbols, but it includes also the much more private feedbac k provided by special household objects that objectify a persons past, present, and future, as well as his or her close relationships. Olson (1981, 1985) found that young couples cite as favorite objects in the home those that reflect their future plans and goals, but older couples cite objects that relate to their experiences together.Cameron (1977) conducted a series of experiments suggesting that having children is a key life event that causes the parents to become less self-focused and more focused on their children. Feibleman (1975) notes the emergence of a tendency of parents by late middle age to live vicariously through their children. At this point, children represent an extension of self, but not lo the exclusion of material possessions. In fact, Belk (1985) found parents to be more materialistic and possessive tban their children and their own parents.Because of salt away possessions, well-developed skills, possession of both a past and a future, and parenthood, the midd le years of life also are likely to involve the most extended concept of self. Old Age. If the young are future-oriented, the old are past-oriented. Csifcszentmihafyi and RochbergHalton (1981) found that for their Chicago sample, such possessions as photographs, athletic trophies, and mementos are most treasured by grandparents. The reason most often cited for possessions being treasured by this group is that possessions have the ability to symbolize others, often because they are gifts from these important others.Sherman and fjewman (1977) found that postretirement-age persons who possess such remembrances are happier than those who do not. McCracken (1987a) suggests that homes for the aged would do well to consider the identity deprivation that occurs when these people are made to discard possessions. Places that are especially relevant to ones past have also been found to be particularly valued by the old because ofthe memories that places can stir (Howell 1983 Lowenthal 1975).In contrast, the youn$ tend to value places according to the activities these places comfort (Csikszentmihalyi and Rochberg-Halton 1981 Hart 1979). During old age, the sense of ones own mortality also becomes more and more undeniable. With decreasing future years, declining skills and abilities, and a shrinking network of old friends, sense of self possibly contracts as well. However, this is not necessarily the case. Many people seek to assure that their selves will extend beyond their deaths.Lifton (1973) suggests five ways through which this extension may be attempted (1) through ones children, (2) through belief in a life after death, (3) through ones works (e. g. , artistic, literary, scholarly), (4) through recognition with nature (which -will continue), and (5) through experiential transcendence (e. g. , absorption in music may allow one to transcend the world of here and now and symbolically be reborn). A sixth way, which is not mentioned, is to have ones possessions (especia lly those in collections one has created) live on through heirs or museums (Rigby and Rigby 1949).Based on interviews with persons ages 62 to 85, interviews with their friends, relatives, and acquaintances, and an analysis of lelters, mementos, and conversations ofthe anxious(p) and their survivors, Unruh (1983) found evidence ofthe widespread use ofthis strategy. He detected first a solidification of identity through creating letters, journals, memos, and poems ihat were meant io be left behind. Second, artifacts including photographs, scrapbooks, souvenirs, and jewelry were accumulated.And third, these artifacts were distributed to persons who were believed to be willing to care for them, and in so doing honor and remember the donor. This distribution was accomplished through predeath gifts and wills and testaments. Western society seldom elevates reverence for ancestors to the level of farther Eastern cultures such as Japan and China, but Western society does revere its heroes and villains possessions, as illustrated by pilgrimages to Elvis Presleys Graceland mansion and William Randolf Hearsts castle (Maines 1978). Possessions and the Sense of historic Integral to a sense of who we are is a sense of our past.Possessions are a convenient means of storing the memories and feelings that attach our sense of past. A souvenir may make tangible some otherwise intangible travel experience. An heirloom may record and recall family heritage just as a historic monument may help to create a sense of a nations past. POSSESSIONS AND THE EXTENDED SELF Overall, Csikszentmihalyi and Rochberg-Halton (J 981) found that the three types of possessions that the 3 i 5 Chicago families most frequently cite as treasured are furniture, visual art (including that created by family and friends), and photographs.In each case, the most frequently given explanation for valuing these objects is the memories they call forth of other people, occasions, and relationships. These reasons o vershadow functional explanations for attachments to furniture and aesthetic reasons for valuing art objects and photographs. As one of tbeir informants explains (Rochberg-Halton 1984, p. 171) This painting is my great, great grandfather. Ive had it since childhood. Us more than just a portraitits a personf Id take hold of it right away in a fire. Without it my life would be lessened.Id go on living, but it would deplete my secure lump. It would mean that I wouldnt be able to hand it down to my children. The kids already say, Tm gonna inherit this and that. . . . Its part of Ihe continuity of who I am, where I came from, where Im going. Older respondents are especially likely to link such objects to past experiences. One explanation is that our attachment lo memor-evoking possessions grows as we accumulate experiences from our past and reduce the stock of pleasurable experiences likely to occur in our futures. Also, as Kastenbaum 1977) observes, the older person scans the past fo r evidence that he once was competent, once was loved, once commanded respect. Gifts received from others are one such evidence of love from significant others (Belk 1982c Wallendorf and Arnold 1988). Thus, hold dear possessions are not likely to be a random assortment of items that recall our pasts. Just as we pose family photographs to capture the good (happy) moments ofour lives and then selectively edit the best of these into albums (Chalfen 1987 Milgram 1976 Sontag 1973), we are also likely to treasure most tbose possessions associated with pleasant memories.These possessions are likely to include objects such as newspaper clippings and trophies representing past accomplishments, mementos of past romances, and souvenirs of enjoyable travel experiences, and to exclude others such as belongings of estranged former spouses, poor report cards, and gifts from suitors who later rejected us. Note that social institutions such as museums follow a similar process in selectively retain ing aesthetic, scientific, and historical ethnic artifacts. Mukerji (i 978) makes a di. -tinction between goods that are initially produced as art works and are acquired and retained based on presumably aesthetic judgments, and goods that are initially produced for more utilitarian purposes but are later regarded as worthy of preservation. Although the retention criteria are somewhat different for the two classes of objects, in both cases the decisions to retain tbe object rather than reject it determine the picture ofour cultural past that is available to future generations. Obviously, we are more ikely to chronicle our cultures successes than their failures. The desire to know ones individual past can explain the retention of personal memorabilia, just as the desire to remember family heritage can explain retention of family heirlooms and the desire to appreciate field of study history can explain museum stand-in and visits to historic sites. However, what can explain the desir e to acquire and collect antiques and antiquities from another lime, place, and family? Clearly, it is not a claimable sense of past that is achieved at any except the broadest level of identity.Part ofthe answer lies in the desire to identify wiih an era, place, or person to which we believe a desirable set of traits or values adheres. At a national level, neoclassical architecture seems to have this objective. At a more personal level, owning artifacts that once belonged to a famous historical figure seems to share this objective (Rigby and Rigby 1949 Waliendorf and Belk 1987). In each case, thereseems tobeadesire to bask in the giory ofthe past in the hope that some of it will magically rub offa form of positive contaminaiion (Levi-Strauss 1963).This nostalgic desire to gain the glory ofthe superstar or of a mythical golden age of the past shares something in common with the tendency McCracken (1988) describes as depositing and retrieving cultural meaning in places where it is un likely to be disturbed by contradictions present in reality (e. g. , Davis 1979). Another reason tor the accumulalion of antiquities that are found or acquired rather than inherited or claimed on the basis of a more direct linkage lo the extended self is that antiques are rare and therefore potentially serve as symbols of status or status markers (Douglas and Isheru-ood 1979).Other motives might be found in the amusement of collecting curiosities, aesthetic preference for antiques over currently produced artifacts, and a preference for handcrafted works over current mass-produced works. However, each of these additional explanations relies on something of the extended self of the previous owner, artist, or craftsperson adhering to the work. Just as we seek to extend our selves by incorporating or owning certain objects, we may stili seek the sympathetic magic (contagion)

Role of Internet / Web Technology on Modern Public Administration

Role of Internet / Web Technology on advanced Public Administ balancen The Internet has become as one of the most important form of communication media in and among public administration. Communication is an essential get around of every field. The effects of electronic network engineering on how we communicate in the field of Public Administration on wider biases. Public Administrators communicate easily and fast way with the use of internet. Such as, they delivered a matter or message in a minute by an email.Business meeting are done by video conferences such as, if someone is not present in the meeting, we push aside communicate with, we can see and listen his comments with the use of internet in scarce a minute. Public administrators can access everywhere all over the world through internet. They can reach both rural and global areas. They can get the every type of information from internet. They can watch, listen, and read the red-hots from internet. They can access the i nternational markets and international affairs. The construction and management of the World gigantic Web sites are becoming essential elements of modern public administration.Administrators are now facing a great altercate. They are required to achieve new goals in an increasingly shorter time. But that is not mean to enhanced transparency, greater efficiency and higher levels of citizen run they as well as wish to reduce bes. Only web technology fulfills these requirements. Administrators should build modern systems for offices is their extensive use in the Internet architecture and the use of such elements, which ensure gathering of all information, security, and ease of data circulation and the possibility of their versatile use by authorized persons.Administrators should attend the conferences, where latest technologies are presented. Using these new technologies, the Authority may significantly reduce the cost of all transactions, improve efficiency, ensure transparency and accountability, as well as meet all expectations. Role based access control (RBAC) is a technology that reduced the complexity and cost of security administration in large networked applications. The concept and design of RBAC is perfectly suited for use on both intranets and internets. It wins a secure and effective way to manage access to administration web information.Web technology allows administration to share with the public a variety of information in unlimited quantities on demand. Technology is also available to allow citizens to bring issues of concern to the attention of local, regional and national administration. However, exploiting these capabilities within administration systems is a challenge that surrounds environmental, policy, legal, and cultural issues. Establishing effective administration requires openness, transparency, collaboration and skill in taking advantage of the capabilities of the World Wide Web.The World Wide Web has an opportunity to provide g uidance in support of administration objectives by promoting existing open web standards and noting the challenges external to the web and technology. The World Wide Web also facilitates the education of new open web standards needed by administration in context. Public managers are looking for ways to fully exploit the advantages of Web services technology for improving service delivery. Now a day it is impossible to work without web technology in public administration. Impact of cyber Crime on Pakistan Economics Cyber crimes are increasing day by day in Pakistan from last some years.According to cyber crime unit, only few cases have been seen 4 to 5 years ago, but the ratio of these cases increased tremendously now. In Pakistan, the ratio of cyber crime is low as compared to developed countries. There are a way out of cyber crimes in Pakistan including cyber pornography, sale of illegal articles, online gambling, intellectual property crimes, email spoofing, cyber stalking, forg ery, unauthorized access to computer systems or networks, theft of information contained in electronic form, virus attacks, Trojan attacks, Internet time theft, password cracking and financial cyber crimes.According to cyber crime unit, the hacking of ATM card numbers and bank accounts are tremendously rising in Pakistan. There are no effective systems to reduce these crimes. And number of crimes increases day by day in Pakistan. For this reason, no one wants to invest money in Pakistan. Foreign investors does not take interest to invest money, even they move their business from Pakistan to some other countries. Not only foreign investor, Pakistani investors also does not invest their money in Pakistan due to defective security system. Due to this, Pakistan lost hundreds of thousands jobs.The ratio of unemployment increased that affect the Pakistani economy badly. The ratio of inflation also increased due to this the value of Pakistani currency decreased. Tax and revenue system of administration also affected due to this. Because government lost the revenue in the shape of tax that they collected the companies removed. In short, Pakistan economy badly affected due to increased in cyber crimes. Government should want to make an effective system to removed cyber crimes. Federal Investigation Association (FIA), a cyber crime unit working in Pakistan to remove these crimes. _____________________________

Impacting police policies

Policing measured by trends, practices, practices Question How did have a bun in the oven 9/1 1 Terrorism Policies impact moderne natural law policies, practices? Abstract The purpose of this article is to describe the concept of the post 9/1 1 terrorism policies, and how they impacted community policing. The knowledge gained good deal assist in the development and evaluation of improved emergency responses and guard, community relationships. The literature includes many definitions of policing, some of which have been derived by studying various organizations and their police culture.This summary highlights overall broad definitions and goes beyond definitions specific to upcoming issues with the community police organizations. This is an important topic for society beca handling it leave alone give a cleanse on a lower floorstanding of how police pull up stakes interact and respond to the community and the need for assistance. According to scholar Eggnog Bitterns definiti on of the police, which defines the police in terms of their capacity to use nonnegotiable coercive force in any situation that appears to require a prompt and decisive response (Willis, 2014).Many findings hold promise for police concerned approximately problems in the come near future. Data from a study conducted by John P. Crank, Colleen Saddled and Came M. Kiosks show that the biggest problem coming in the coterminous 10 geezerhood for police the continued expansion of the boundaries of the police function. The panelist of scholars suggested that focusing on innovation engineering science and the professionalism model of policing using COMPOSTS and surveillance imaging will best address it. In addition to focusing on innovation technology and the professionalism model using COMPOSTS and surveillance imaging.The margins of police include intelligence and privacy, shelter and law-breaking control, cultural and roommate changes, and the expansion of the institution of forma l disgust control. The panelist forecast on expansion of police functions is in the areas of community policing, terrorism and security, technology change, sub population bias issues, militarism. The study was an ensemble effort designed to identify principal issues facing the police in the USA over the next 10 years. This data was tranquil using an expert panel methodology to assess significant issues affecting police in the near term future.Fourteen realized scholars agreed to participate in the survey The authors collected responses to surveys sent to the fourteen panelist experts for data. The panelist responded through email and phone. This data was collected and organized under topics. The authors are affiliated with the University of Nebraska Omaha it was published on October 5, 2010 One particular area where police duties are expanding is in the area of intelligence and privacy and technology. natural law are better informed than before because intelligence is relaying i nformation through innovated technology.Innovated technology provides police with a more efficient use of information collected and analyzed. The authors also differentiationd that there might be concerns regarding older officers who resent change because they are not tech savvy. The patriot act of 2001 post 9/1 1 law, expanded the use of technology to gather intelligence, thus giving the right to infringe into the publics civil rights. Security and crime control uses a security discourse approach that protects the United States from terrorism. The Patriot Act permitted the expansion of take terrorism laws to not only suspected terrorists but felons as well.The post 9/1 1 changes allow co- authorship of criminal investigations for counter terrorism between municipal and deader agencies, permitting for a larger establish security force. thereof making it harder to deal with community problems as well as federal problems. Police have changed their cultural views on work and how the y act and perceive these values. The authors note that a cultural shift in police work from a punitive culture where enforcement of the law and discipline those who break it, to a regulative based culture with health, Juvenile, family service to regulate relationships.The authors note that prisons are costly financially and ineffective. It is suggested that the role to a regulative-based culture based on education and services will be ore effective. Normative changes in the identification of the central roles and missions of the police. The authors note that due to the conversion of counter terrorism policing, the police will shift emphasis on security for the public to more for the government. Thus raising concerns for society.The transition of roles and the expansion of police functions make up of a shift to all hazards approach to police work, preparedness activities around a threat perspective, and implementing intelligence led policing. The professionalism model of policing uses the COMPOSTS model quenches and surveillance imaging will be the best option for future policing. A shift of police professionalism will act as a stronger version of the current model for policing. Because it will increase invasiveness in the lives of citizen interactions.The innovated technology has improved the crime mapping by face recognition, finger printing, and iris identification. COMPOSTS suggest improvements of crime statistics in the area with crime mapping. The authors note that the expansion of police institutions is growing not because of crime increases, but because of the expansion of police functions, counter terrorism, and minimizing risk. A growing number of researchers recognize the importance of Normative changes in the identification of the central roles and missions of the police, Transitioning to counter terrorism policing.However this transition has its limitations on the correct policies to implement, for instance theses studies fail to include lack of knowledge of technology in older police officers, and because of the sharp downturn in the US economy police technologies will be very limited due to restrictive police budgets. Also the future economic crisis that will place stress on the government, consequently increasing crime and unemployment. Because of the decline of the nation, expanding Jurisdiction to other countries will take effect. The police expansion will consist of local, national, international affairs.The panelist in the issues facing police in the future study suggested that there are hiring concerns in the small and larger agencies because of enlistment of police personnel into the military service, thus limiting the qualified pool for police work The findings hold promise for police concerned about problems in the near future. The implementation of expansion of police work and innovated security technology using COMPOSTS will best address the issues in the future. The expansion of counterterrorism increases a larger security force.The culture change to regulative-based culture may be a viable alternative to the punitive culture, where police will find themselves in different environments. Because of the transition to counter terrorism policing, the police will take a shift more towards government affairs instead of public. The police are adaptable and antiphonal to a technological innovation, utilize the professionalism model of COMPOSTS techniques and surveillance imaging appears to be the way of the future.

Once More

Read over something youve written with an eye for the devices youve utilise to yoke the parts. Underline all the transitions, pointing terms, key terms, and repetition. Do you see any patterns? Do you rely on certain devices more than others? Are there any passages that ar hard to follow-and if so, can you make them easier to ready by adding appropriate transitions or trying any of the other devices discussed In this chapter. Try revising your text to overwhelm different ones. Pointing words help orient your reader and establish continuity wealth your writing.KEY POINTS use pointing words to help orient your readers. Plotting words point forrard or backward to other sentences. Plotting words help to give your paragraphs continuity. Key terms a key term is a word that will be important on whatever subject you need to know, that involves a key term. Youll usually have to define a key term deal in social studies a key term would be Ideology so you would define it as a set of belie fs and values. Key terms are verbiage that someone should know in order to understand the topic. Petition The writer is usually trying to express an emotion or a phrase. Just like in Robert Frosts poem Stopping by Woods on a Snowy Evening he repeats the last line and miles to go before I sleep, and miles to go before I sleep to stress the extent of his journey and his exhaustion. In the charge of the light brigade repetition was most likely used to honor the men who died. By repeatedly stressing the number of men who fought and died for what they believe in they stress that they will not be easily forgotten.

Input Output Devices in Aviation Essay

AbstractComputer technologies recognized in the video presented were as follows. LCD screens for flights, operations program used for air traffic controllers, in flight routing and revision of flight plans thru the restructure of airspaces in European airports. By apply these technologies, the benefits derived from these programs are, smoother flight plans, safer engenderoffs and landings, less runway collisions, less colloquy with pilots from ATC. The challenges and risks of using CPDLC are, taking pilots attention away from the air to use system, texting while flying, not a good idea. The challenges to take away from flight time to look down feather to make sure you are making the correct response to ATC seems risky, especially since the safety of the souls is first priority. Not precisely with safety but todays world, even the skies are not safe to locomotion with the conflicts that we have globally.Input Output Devices in AviationTaking a journey around the formal today. The challenges we face, the revisions the FAA are making. How safe are the skies and what is considered the best form of piloting these days? We will take a walk thru the history of the ATC and commercial pilots. How we use to travel and communicate back then to now. What makes the friendly skies friendly? Technology constantly changes and for the friendly skies The way we fly, how we communicate and work while travelling. The CPDLC, the major concern of passengers a pilot. The response time to the amount of space we have before leaving the ground and before touch the ground. As my flight instructor always said, a pilot should always be ahead of the plane. Staying ahead of the game is important but also keeping your eyes on all instruments while flying. For communication to ATC, it lowers the stress level for air traffic controllers. By taking this extra stress off of ATC, this will open up thedevelopment of new technology in the near future. The calculation of technology error over h uman error for airplanes taking off and landing. CPDLC is a wonderful tool but just as we have gone from live operators to technology via phone comes concerns. ConclusionIn conclusion, our skies today are much safer than they were in the past. We have make elephantine leaps and jumps into a safer and a better world for flying. Hungary started their upgrades of the CPDLC September 15th of this year and many countries are making their changes. Canada their monthly tally for communication before CPDLC was 7,000 monthly, by May the totals with CPDLS were 76,000. This change may be movement in the right direction but for a person that has been so use to communication, this will take some time to get use to. I am sure for the older pilots, it will eventually grow on them. The changes are being made globally and maybe the concerns will diminish into nothing. Changes in the aviation industry, verbal communication or not, that is the question.ReferencesMark, R.P. (2014, July 21). General fo rmat. Retrieved fromhttp//www.ainonline.com/aviation-news/ainsafety/2014-07-21/nav-canada-says-cpdlc-message-numbers-are-rising Croft, J. (2012, January 24). General format. Retrieved from http//www.flightglobal.com/news/articles/in-focus-round-two-for-controller-pilot-datalink-as-faa-contract-award-366940/

Life Transitions Counseling Essay

A detailed and very interesting research about the problems of classifying, analyzing and coping with tone transitions in our life, was written by Lawrence Brammer, Ph.D., who is Professor Emeritus of Counselor Education at the University of Washington in Seattle. This lam was published by the Educational Resource education Center. In his research L. Brammer introduces the concept of life transitions and presents the most common types of such transitions. After that he addresses to three a priori models of life transitions, which are supported by tips on counseling them. And in the end of the article the author presents some attitudes and skills necessary for successful coping with changes and life transitions. The author defines transition as a sudden and fundamental life change, which brings certain disconnection with the past. He classifies the transitions as positive and negative (painful and tragic) in respect to human reaction, as voluntary and unvoluntary by human factor of the cause, and as on-time and off-time transitions by expectations. Also, he defines developmental, social and political changes among the transitions. consort to this research, there are three ways of human percept of life transitions. These approaches are based on the developments of other specialists in this field. The first approach was suggested by Bridges (1980), who offered using metaphors from classic literature when describing life transitions. steering approach in such case can be focused on encouraging people to look for some meaningful metaphors when managing with their life transitions. The insurgent concept is called Social Interaction Model, which was created by Schlossberg (1984). This specialist offers to consider social and mortalal characteristics of an individual when coping with life transitions, equal age, maturity, sensibility to stresses, etc. According to this model, the counseling approach will concentrate on analyzing the impact of transition on th e person and looking for the inner and outer resources, which would help the person to fight with the situation. The third model is called Predictable Overlapping Stages, which was created by the author himself, using the works of Kubler-Ross, Parkes and Hopson. This model presents the development of human perception of hard life transitions, like sudden death of a close person, etc. The author states that there are some stages, which any person experiences when coping with a hard life transition. Firstly, there are initial feelings of confusion, discomfort and shock, followed by the stages of denial and fantasy, indeed very long process of mood stabilization comes, which is accompanied with depressions, mood disorders, and then one or another level or recovery comes. Counseling in this case is also focused on determination, on which stage the person is now. In the end of the research there are some concepts about coping attitude and skills, which are mostly based on the developm ents in mental literature. The author states that coping with life transitions is self-initiated problem solving, which requires development of proper and satisfactory coping resource. Also, the author offers some directions, which can be effective for creating the concept of recovery when coping with life transitions. Those are creating support networks, cognitive reframing, analyzing personal stress responses, etc. This research is very constructive and useful it reveals some interesting theoretical information about view on life transitions and the ways of coping with them. The author suggests studying the problem more thoroughly, and in the conclusion he directs the readers into the most important field of studying life transitions learning more about particular human personalities, about ourselves and our surrounding. Maybe the only disadvantage of this research is the absence of more practical information on coping with life transitions. Other numerous researches introduce m ental (acknowledging the problem, looking for some positive sides, fighting with perplexity and depressions, etc.) and physical (doing exercises, interacting with other people, paying attention on nutrition, etc) tips, which can be very helpful in our daily activity when managing with transitions.Besides, the majority of life transitions is affiliated with stresses, so coping with life transitions frequently becomes coping with stress. It is also important point, which had to receive more attention from the author of this research. But in any way, the work of Laurence Brammer is very useful, especially for students and specialists, who are interested in studying the perception of life transitions and stresses by human psychology.Bibliography Brammer, L. M. (2001). Coping with Life Transitions. Educational Resourse Information Center. ERIC Digest. ED350527. Retrieved celestial latitude 1, 2005, from .